Hundreds of Syrians gathered on February 25th in the opulent reception hall of what is now called the People’s Palace in Damascus. They had come to discuss a new constitution. Islamists, communists, feminists, even a celebrated actress, all rushed to greet and be photographed with Ahmed al-Sharaa, Syria’s jihadist-turned-president. It was a scene unimaginable under the former regime.
Three months ago the palace, perched on the mountains above the Syrian capital, was the hideout of Bashar al-Assad, off-limits to all but the former dictator’s inner circle. This week it hosted a “national dialogue conference”, where 600 delegates debated how a transitional government should deal with the economy, justice and a new constitution.
The conference had been hyped for months yet was repeatedly delayed. Some attending complained about the rushed timing. Many had only a few hours’ notice, leaving them unable to attend. It was also short, taking just a day, hardly enough to discuss the finer details of constitution-drafting. “I have doubts about whether everyone can fully engage in meaningful discussions,” said a delegate.
The closing statement offered little in the way of solid proposals. It did not clarify whether Syria would adopt a presidential or parliamentary system, nor did it settle the question of the role of religion in the country’s laws. But it struck the right rhetorical notes, said a European diplomat in Damascus. There was talk of human rights, a rejection of sectarian enmity, and no suggestion that sharia (Islamic law) would prevail. The statement also mentioned “supporting women in all fields” and “peaceful coexistence” of all Syrians. Western governments will welcome such buzzwords; then they will call for action.
Drafting a new constitution is only part of Syria’s transition from dictatorship. Mr Sharaa’s predecessor exposed the limits of such documents. The constitution under the Assad family was not on paper deficient. The problem was its implementation—or lack thereof.
In recent weeks, Mr Sharaa has come under mounting international pressure to meet his own deadlines. He had pledged to announce a transitional government and launch the national dialogue within three months of Mr Assad’s fall. His allies appear to grasp that the survival of this new regime depends on an easing of sanctions. Syria’s economy is dire. The euphoria at the fall of Mr Assad is already giving way to frustration, as Syrians queue for hours each morning for bread or cash from the few working atms. Relief will come only if Mr Sharaa proves to the region and the West that he is serious about including all communities in his government.
This weekend Mr Sharaa may, at long last, announce a transitional government. It is meant to steer the country towards elections in the coming years. It would be a pivotal moment. Until now he has ruled by decree from Damascus, concentrating power around himself. Many believe that, despite his moderate words, he remains an extremist at heart. His appointments will test his commitment to sharing power. If this is all a charade, he will not be able to fool Syrians for much longer. ■
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